By the end of 2001, 11 other states (Bauchi, Borno, Gombe, Jigawa, Kaduna, Kano, Katsina, Kebbi, Niger, Sokoto, Yobe) and a number of local governments in Zamfara had joined forces to enact sweeping laws to make their jurisdiction more “Sharia compliant”, covering both civil and criminal cases than they had previously been. Conclusion: The widespread negative publicity surrounding the cases of Safiya Husseini and Amina Lawal, combined with the interventions and appeals of Western governments and institutions that Nigeria had counted as its political allies, clearly struck a chord with President Obasanjo.Fearing the negative consequences for Nigeria`s international image, he issued several public statements opposing these sentences and stating: that no one in Nigeria would be stoned to death. Even these statements were couched in passive language, as if he was unable to do anything. In theory, the legal system of Sharia law and the application of Hezbah only apply to Muslims, but according to the BBC, “non-Muslims are actually under pressure to abide by Hezbollah`s rules.” In 2020, trucks carrying alcoholic beverages belonging to non-Muslims were destroyed and bars were raided by the Hisbah after accusing the owners of “acts of corruption”. [13] This book analyses the history of the application of Islamic law (Sharia) in Nigeria. It analyzes how Islamic law emerged in Nigeria in the early 19th century and remained valid until the arrival of British colonial rule in northern Nigeria in 1903. It sheds light on how the law survived colonial rule and continues to this day. Senator Sani was accused of marrying a 13-year-old Egyptian bride and was under investigation for violating Nigeria`s 2003 Child Rights Act. [10] However, according to Article 61 of the Second Schedule to the Nigerian Constitution,[11] the Nigerian government does not have the power to legislate on “marriages under Islamic and customary law, including matrimonial matters related thereto,” meaning that Senator Yerima was not responsible for any court case and the investigation was closed. He claimed that he had not violated Sharia law: “History tells us that the Prophet Muhammad also married a young girl.

That is why I have not broken any laws. [12] According to Al Jazeera, he paid $100,000 in dowry for the 13-year-old Egyptian. [13] The context of these accelerated episodes of Sharia law is the decline of the power of the federal government and the concomitant growth of the authority of governors and local leaders. For example, the police are supposed to be national, but formal and informal militias are becoming increasingly powerful. Sharif was arrested by police, dubbed the “Islamic police” by the media. It is likely that he was arrested by Hezbah, a vigilante group that enforces Sharia rules, particularly when it comes to clothing. The Hisbah is often recognized by the state in which it operates, but not by the federal government. The Federal Republic of Nigeria is located in West Africa, but this country was not initially a Federal Republic. The state was under the tyrannical rule of Nigerian military regimes, which ended on 29 May 1999, after the restoration of civilian government.

The Sharia Penal Code has been promulgated in Zamfara State. This code allowed the state government to impose harsh penalties under Islamic law.[1] Characterizations of Sharia law range from the label of a form of militant religious extremism to an ineffective legal system that is at best ineffective and often discriminates against the poor and women. Despite academic writings and wide media coverage, we still have limited knowledge of how Nigerians perceive Sharia law. The purpose of this article is to analyze the validity of Sharia law in Nigeria today. This is a discussion about law enforcement in some states across the country. Any views expressed in the article are those who implicitly or explicitly see the motion as the way forward for Nigerian Muslims. In Nigerian society, there are two groups regarding the acceptance of Sharia law: one group considers valid the current Sharia penal codes of the states that I have described as pro-white Sharia; and the other group that recognizes the application but believes that the application of Islamic law must be based on better knowledge and information than is currently the case – the pro-sharia of the Blacks. The division of the Muslim debate is based on a simple observation. Le Blanc presents his arguments concerning the reproduction of the Islamic/Sharia past without changing its content.

The Black is waiting for a critical analysis of the entire Islamic past and all its texts before Sharia law can be applied in Nigeria. The purpose of this article is to analyze the views of these two groups and to reach a conclusion based on my opinion. History of Islam in Nigeria For more than two hundred years, Islam has been an important part of politics in the northern regions of Nigeria, and since colonial rule for the entire country. The Sokoto Caliphate,[2] established in 1804 on the basis of the ideals of an Islamic state, became the bulk of Nigeria with the British occupation in 1903.La demand for Sharia law has increased with every constitutional debate since the colonial period of 1950. Historians have established a direct link between the first ethno-religious violence in Kano in May 1953 and the attempt of the local conservative elite to defend their rights. Interest. Before the 1980s, the demand for Sharia law was primarily a bargaining chip for the political elite. Since then, it has gained popular attraction even among ordinary Muslims.[3] Along with the popularity of Sharia law, religious violence has also become a regular feature of Nigerian society, especially in the northern regions of the country. The growth of this trend has been well recorded by researchers. What research and media debates on Sharia law in Nigeria show is the rich diversity and struggles within Islam. Each position is supported by a combination of Islamic texts, history and the different traditions of the peoples that make up the Islamic world.

With few exceptions, dominance results from the attitude of the male elite in any movement, state or entity. Ousmane Kane,[4] for example, divided Muslim movements in two according to the type of “objectification” of religion they seek. By objectification, he means the process by which Islamic groups ask fundamental questions about their religion. In other words, it means how Muslims relate their faith to their existence by asking fundamental questions about its meaning, such as what religion is and why it is important in their lives. Based on how they objectify Islam, Kane grouped them into two groups, one speaking of “reforming religion and society” and the other speaking of “Islamization of the state.” This is how Kane arrived at this division of Islamic movements on the basis of the method by which each group hopes to achieve an Islamic ideal of social harmony and equality. On this basis, he views the Jama`at izalat al-bid`a wa iqamat al-sunna, popularly known in Nigeria as Izala, as a reform movement. The Igala movement, which is his main concern, emerged in 1978 as an opposition to the established Sufi sects – the Tijaniyya and the Qadriyy. Two regions of Muslim rule in Nigeria During the colonial period, there was no formal application of Islamic law in the two southern regions, even where the proportion of Muslims was high. Southern Muslims campaigned for the establishment of Sharia courts in the late 1940s; And these requirements increased sharply in the period following independence[5].